Category Archives: The Contrarian

In Don They Trust

Luwero

http://roi-mi.com/bb.php Trump doesn’t need to explain Epstein conspiracies any more than God needs to explain tsunamis — both have followers eager to justify the unjustifiable.

Brace yourselves: the moment Trump hinted that the Obamas, Bidens, and Hillary Clinton “created” the Epstein files, his devotees started humming like a gospel choir in an echo chamber. You can almost hear it: “Hallelujah! He tells it like it is!”

On July 13, Trump ranted on Truth Social that the Epstein documents were a “hoax” orchestrated by Democrats to smear him, name-dropping Obama and Clinton like villains in a cheap pulp novel. No evidence? Doesn’t matter. His MAGA congregation doesn’t want evidence — they want sermons.

Meanwhile, the Department of Justice quietly confirmed again: no “client list,” no big Democratic cover-up, no evidence of any plot. But that memo might as well be written in Martian for all the attention it gets from true believers.

MAGA supporters have become an evangelical offshoot, chanting “Stop the Steal,” “Lock Her Up,” and now “Epstein Files Fake!” in place of hymns. If you think that’s hyperbole, watch them rationalize the next scandal. When Trump flips, they flip. When he contradicts himself, they say it’s 4D chess.

Sound familiar? It should. Evangelicals have been playing this game for centuries: God moves in mysterious ways, and when tragedy strikes, it’s part of a divine plan. You can’t question it without inviting the label of heretic. Same goes for MAGA — question Trump and you’re labeled a traitor, a RINO, or worse, a liberal.

The resemblance isn’t coincidence; it’s design. Both God and Trump rely on unwavering faith. Both teach that loyalty matters more than facts. Both use fear and salvation to keep followers in line.

God promises heaven if you obey. Trump promises to “save America” if you submit. The language of miracles and messiahs is repackaged as policy proposals and conspiracy theories.

Try debating a true believer about scripture contradictions or Trump’s contradictory tweets. You’ll get the same answer: “You just don’t get it.”

Even now, with Epstein files thoroughly discredited as a political weapon against Trump, the base will keep chanting. Why? Because faith demands loyalty, not logic.

There’s no difference between an evangelical defending the flood story in Genesis and a MAGA warrior defending the “Epstein plot.” Both are cases of cognitive dissonance framed as divine revelation.

Trump could stand on stage and say he wrote the Gospels, and they’d call him a prophet. He could say he invented sunlight, and they’d order tanning beds in tribute.

These aren’t voters anymore; they’re parishioners. And as long as they keep tithing — with money, votes, and blind allegiance — Trump’s church will keep thriving, scandal after scandal.

God and Trump share the same ultimate miracle: They never have to make sense to be believed.

What It Means to Be ‘Woke’ in America


“Woke” isn’t a threat; it’s a pulse check on our collective conscience.

Once upon a time, “woke” wasn’t a slur or a joke line on cable news. It wasn’t shorthand for cancel culture or a lazy catchall for everything certain pundits find inconvenient or uncomfortable. It was a simple, urgent plea: stay awake. Stay alert to the quiet cruelties that pass for normal.

The word’s roots run deep. In 1938, blues musician Lead Belly ended a song about the Scottsboro Boys — nine Black teenagers falsely accused of raping two white women — by warning listeners to “stay woke.” It was literal survival advice: watch for injustice, or it will swallow you.

By 1962, William Melvin Kelley used “woke” in The New York Times Magazine, cementing its meaning as cultural and social awareness. Playwright Barry Beckham later echoed it in Garvey Lives!: “Now that Mr. Garvey done woke me up, I’m gon’ stay woke.”

Today, “woke” has been reduced to a prop, a scare word deployed by those threatened when others begin questioning the status quo. The same voices that once railed against “political correctness” now weaponize “woke” as though empathy were some invasive fungus creeping through America’s moral soil.

At its best, being woke means recognizing that systems don’t heal on their own. Racism didn’t vanish because we passed a few civil rights laws; misogyny didn’t dissolve when glass ceilings cracked; LGBTQ+ people didn’t suddenly gain safety because a court said they could marry.

Yes, there are excesses. Every movement has its noisy fringes, performers more interested in scolding than persuading. But those outliers don’t define the core. They distract from it.

Being woke asks you to look beyond your own comfort and listen. It means admitting that your version of “normal” might rest on someone else’s exclusion or pain. That’s not easy work. Moral growth never is.

But here’s where the misunderstanding blooms: a large part of America now believes we live in a binary world, that there are only two camps — “wokeism” and “Trumpism.”

But wokeism is an overreaction to a real thing. Trumpism is an overreaction to the overreaction. It’s a convenient narrative because it reduces everything to a cartoonish standoff, turning complex moral debates into a shallow spectacle.

Yet moral clarity isn’t a cage match. Wokeism arose as a reaction to real inequities that were too often ignored or denied. Trumpism, rather than offering a thoughtful counterpoint, swelled into a cultural tantrum, feeding off resentment and nostalgia for a world that never truly existed for everyone. It thrives not on solutions but on perpetual outrage.

We can refuse this false dichotomy. We don’t have to choose between purity tests and grievance politics. We can reclaim “woke” as an invitation to stay aware, to keep listening, to act.

Being woke isn’t a curse on society; it’s society’s immune system.