where can i buy Lyrica in australia OPINION AND ORDER OF THE COURT
Before the Court is the petition of asylum seeker Adrian Conejo Arias and his five-year-old son for protection of the Great Writ¹ of habeas corpus. They seek nothing more than some modicum of due process and the rule of law. The government has responded.
The case has its genesis in the ill-conceived and incompetently implemented government pursuit of daily deportation quotas, apparently even if it requires traumatizing children. This Court and others regularly send undocumented people to prison and order them deported, but do so by proper legal procedures.
¹ Ex parte Bollman, 8 U.S. (4 Cranch) 75 (1807); Sir William W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (1765-1769); see also Magna Carta, art. 39.
Apparent also is the government’s ignorance of an American historical document called the Declaration of Independence. Thirty-three-year-old Thomas Jefferson enumerated grievances against a would-be authoritarian king over our nascent nation. Among others were:
“We the people” are hearing echoes of that history.
And then there is that pesky inconvenience called the Fourth Amendment:
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and persons or things to be seized.
U.S. CONST. amend. IV.
Civics lesson to the government: Administrative warrants issued by the executive branch to itself do not pass probable cause muster. That is called the fox guarding the henhouse. The Constitution requires an independent judicial officer.
Accordingly, the Court finds that the Constitution of these United States trumps this administration’s detention of petitioner Adrian Conejo Arias and his minor son, L.C.R. The Great Writ and release from detention are GRANTED pursuant to the attached Judgment.
Observing human behavior confirms that for some among us, the perfidious lust for unbridled power and the imposition of cruelty in its quest know no bounds and are bereft of human decency. And the rule of law be damned.
—2—
Ultimately, Petitioners may, because of the arcane United States immigration system, return to their home country, involuntarily or by self-deportation. But that result should occur through a more orderly and humane policy than currently in place.
Philadelphia, September 17, 1787:
“Well, Dr. Franklin, what do we have?”
“A republic, if you can keep it.”
With a judicial finger in the constitutional dike,
IT IS SO ORDERED.
SIGNED this 31st day of January, 2026.
FRED BIERY
UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE
Check out www.nra.org.
On the night federal agents killed an armed Minneapolis resident during a pre-dawn raid, the National Rifle Association’s website went dark on the subject.
It has stayed dark ever since.
No press release. No legal defense fund. No furious op-ed about government overreach. Just silence, the kind that gets louder the longer it lasts.
For an organization that has spent decades positioning itself as the last line of defense against state tyranny, this absence is not caution. It is choice.
The NRA has never struggled with timing when the narrative suits its needs. When a Texas homeowner shot an intruder in 2019, statements appeared within hours. When red flag laws were proposed in Virginia, the rhetoric turned apocalyptic within days, warnings of confiscation, tyranny, the end of freedom itself.
But Minneapolis requires a different script. Here, the uncomfortable variable is armed federal authority. A public killing with witnesses and video.
This is precisely the scenario the NRA’s fundraising emails have warned about for decades: government agents, pre-dawn tactics, a lawful gun owner dead. This is the moment when absolutist principle would demand immediate defense.
Instead, the NRA looks away.
In July 2016, Philando Castile was killed during a traffic stop in St. Paul.
He was licensed to carry. He disclosed his firearm as required by law. He complied with instructions. An officer shot him seven times anyway.
Castile had done everything the NRA claims to teach, and the organization said almost nothing. For over a year, it hedged and delayed.
When it finally spoke, it was through a single spokesperson offering tepid regret wrapped in qualifications about “terrible situations.”
No lawsuit. No legislative push. No membership drive built on his name. The NRA treated him like a liability, not a martyr.
Minneapolis feels like the sequel. Only now the silence is faster and harder to explain away.
The NRA will say it does not comment on ongoing investigations.
The problem is that this has never stopped them before.
Within 24 hours of Parkland, the organization was issuing statements about armed teachers. After Las Vegas, it pivoted immediately to bump stocks. When a Texas church shooting ended because an armed parishioner returned fire, the NRA turned it into an ad campaign before the victims were buried.
Restraint is not the issue. Selectivity is.
What Minneapolis exposes is a hierarchy the NRA has never wanted to articulate: Blue lives come first. Gun rights come second.
When those two things conflict, the choice is not even close. The organization’s base was told for decades that the Second Amendment exists precisely to check government power. That armed citizens are the final brake on tyranny. That the state, not the criminal, is the threat that makes gun ownership non-negotiable.
Minneapolis called that bluff.
When gun rights collide with police authority, the NRA has shown us which side it takes, and it is not the gun owner’s.
The silence is not neutral. It is editorial.
And it tells you everything you need to know.
